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European Solidarity Corps

European Solidarity Corps (ESC) Quality Label Code: 2023-2-IT03-ESC51-VTJ-000178729. The ESC offers young people unique opportunities to participate in volunteering, traineeships, and work projects across Europe, promoting solidarity and inclusion

ESC FACTOR stories of Europe: Fátima Hamed Hossain, the first Muslim woman in the Spanish parliament

Latest Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Manolis Glezos, il primo partigiano europeo. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Fátima Hamed Hossain, la prima donna musulmana del parlamento spagnolo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: LAGARDE LIST ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: La Rivoluzione dei GAROFANI in Portogallo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Kōstas Geōrgakīs e la rivolta del Polytechnio Mafie & Social Media: intervista ad Anna Sergi con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Davide Bennato con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Enzo Ciconte con VIDEO ESC FACTOR stories of Europe: Fátima Hamed Hossain, the first Muslim woman in the Spanish parliament THIS STORY WAS TOLD TO US BY OUR ESC VOLUNTEER: MARIA TERESA, 22 YEARS OLD, FROM SPAIN. Born in Ceuta in 1978, Fátima Hamed Hossain is a practising lawyer, experienced in civil, mortgage and commercial mediation and with extensive training in human rights and equality. She is also a tutor at La UNED de Ceuta. In 2015, she joined the regional parliament of Ceuta as an MP, becoming the first Muslim woman to head a political group with representation. She is the fifth feminist speaker in Ceuta, as leader of the Movement for Dignity and Citizenship (MDyC) party. ‘The shootings, the prison and the marginality that surrounded us pushed me to study law. Always wanting to help others has marked my path. Currently, I try through politics, with its frustrations and emotional rewards.’ Fátima Hamed Hossain The daughter of Moroccan, Spanish parents, practising Muslims and wearing a visible headscarf, she has recently made herself known for her speeches in plenary sessions, openly accusing Vox, a party with which she has had several disagreements, to the point of becoming the opposition front for the extreme right in Ceuta. On Saturday 13 November 2021, Fátima Hamed Hossain participated in an event together with the second vice-president of the Spanish government and minister of labour and social economy, Yolanda Díaz; the mayor of Barcelona, Ada Colau; the first vice-president of the Comunidad Valenciana, Mònica Oltra; and the spokesperson of Más Madrid, Mónica García at the Teatro Olympia in Valencia. After Vox’s strong emergence in 2019, her status as a Spanish woman wearing a headscarf during plenary sessions made her the target of far-right hate rhetoric. Hamed talks about last March’s diplomatic and border crisis on the Moroccan border, the role of women in politics, and, above all, the xenophobic radicalisation of the political message in a city whose half of the population is Muslim. Nationality is one thing and creed you may or may not have is another. Our State is non-denominational. It is the most normal thing in the world for a Spaniard to believe what he wants. Sometimes we are asked if we are Spanish or Muslim, as if it were incompatible. We don’t understand how nationality can be confused with belief. Of Vox, we all know what they are, an extreme right-wing formation with an ideology based on hatred for those who think differently and those who are different. This way of selling their message has been very successful for them, insulting, provoking and waiting for the reaction of the person in front. “Algunos no están preparados para ver a una mujer musulmana con hiyab en un Parlamento español” Fátima Hamed Hossain ESC FACTOR, Stories of Europe:The communication campaign ESC FACTOR, Stories of Europe was born from the experience of a workshop on multi-channel communication that further enriched the personal background of the young volunteers of the ESC project, European Solidarity Corps who have been living for months at Il paguro Ostello, a small house for young Europeans, a property confiscated from the Casalesi family in which Giosef Italy has created a youth hostel, in Casapesenna.During the past few months, the young people involved have had the opportunity to learn about the history of Italy, through a series of meetings whose main theme was the history of the Antimafia. From the realisation that such an important and well-known history in our country is often ignored by other young Europeans, this project was born.We said to ourselves, what if we now tell our readers stories that changed the history of your home countries but are not known by the Italian public? Così è nata l’idea di THE ESC FACTOR, un progetto di condivisione di storie di movimenti e di persone che hanno in comune una sola cosa: il coraggio della libertà, la voglia di giustizia, la lotta per l’affermazione dei diritti civili, in ogni loro forma, al di là di ogni confine. Share Related articles All Posts News ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. Conosciuta anche come Maria da Fronteira, è un punto di riferimento nella promozione di “Mulheres Ciganas” in Portogallo. Read Articles ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Manolis Glezos, il primo partigiano europeo. Manolis Glezos è considerato il primo partigiano per aver rimosso la bandiera con la svastica della Germania nazista dall’Acropoli di… Read Articles ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: LAGARDE LIST Recenti Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie… Read Articles ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: La Rivoluzione dei GAROFANI in Portogallo Recenti Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie… Read Articles ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Kōstas Geōrgakīs e la rivolta del Polytechnio Recenti Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie… Read Articles

ESC FACTOR stories of Europe: LAGARDE LIST

Latest Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Manolis Glezos, il primo partigiano europeo. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Fátima Hamed Hossain, la prima donna musulmana del parlamento spagnolo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: LAGARDE LIST ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: La Rivoluzione dei GAROFANI in Portogallo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Kōstas Geōrgakīs e la rivolta del Polytechnio Mafie & Social Media: intervista ad Anna Sergi con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Davide Bennato con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Enzo Ciconte con VIDEO ESC FACTOR stories of Europe LAGARDE LIST, Europe’s most dangerous list of tax evaders THIS STORY WAS TOLD TO US BY OUR ESC VOLUNTEER: PANOS, 25 YEARS OLD, GREEK. The former Greek finance minister, Giorgos Papakonstantinou, has been accused of removing the names of three of his relatives from the so-called ‘Lagarde list’, a document containing the names of hundreds of possible Greek tax evaders with deposits in Switzerland. The Lagarde List is a spreadsheet containing some 2,000 potential tax evaders with undeclared accounts at the Geneva branch of the Swiss bank HSBC.It is named after former French Finance Minister Christine Lagarde, who passed it on to Greek officials in October 2010 to help them crack down on tax evasion. In 2006 and 2007, an IT technician, Hervé Falciani, allegedly stole the bank’s data, containing the names of clients from several EU countries, and tried to sell them to different governments. In January 2009, the police raided Falciani’s French home and found computer files on 130,000 potential tax evaders (24,000 from all over Europe) and started investigating them. The French government then passed the information to selected European governments such as the UK to help them crack down on tax evasion.le. Handing over to the Greek authorities: In early summer 2010, the French intelligence service DGSE informed the (then) head of the Greek National Intelligence Agency that many of those named in the Falciani dossier were Greeks and that the French authorities were ready to hand over a list containing the names of wealthy Greek depositors in Swiss banks to help the Greek government crack down on tax evaders.The Greek intelligence chief then informed the former finance minister of the George Papandreou government, Giorgos Papakonstantinou, who accepted this information in a meeting with the then French finance minister Christine Lagarde, on condition that it remained secret. In October 2010, Lagarde sent a list of 1,991 names to Papakonstantinou through diplomatic channels in the form of an unlabelled CD containing spreadsheets for the approximately 2,000 accounts now known in Greece as the ‘Lagarde list’. Papakonstantinou then stated during a parliamentary enquiry that he had ‘handed over all files to the new head of the tax police’ – the Economic and Financial Crimes Unit of Greece (SDOE) – ‘and asked him to proceed with a full investigation’. However, the tax authorities chose not to proceed and Papakonstantinou left office in mid-2011 and the CD disappeared. Papakonstantinou’s successor, Evangelos Venizelos, produced a copy on a memory stick and launched a limited investigation to check whether any of those listed had evaded taxes. The investigation concerned only a dozen or so politicians and no legal action was taken.It was only when the then new finance minister Yannis Stournaras asked Paris for another copy that Venizelos admitted that he had forgotten the memory stick in a private office and lost it. Kostas Vaxevanis publishes the list: On 28 October 2012, Greek journalist and editor Kostas Vaxevanis claimed to be in possession of the list and published 2,056 names on it in his magazine Hot Doc. The next day, he was arrested for violation of privacy laws, an offence with a possible sentence of up to two years in prison. Three days later, Vaxevanis was tried and found not guilty. Greek journalist and editor Kostas Vaxevanis The way the public services handle the list issue remains unclear, to this day.Many of the names on the list have been cleared of charges, to this day the Greek people still have no clear picture of the issue and a world-known scandal like this has been left in the labyrinth of the Greek bureaucracy. In January 2011, Italian newspapers began to publish the first rumours about the Italian part of the Lagarde list. According to some, the list would contain the names of around 7,000 Italians, including numerous celebrities. Almost two years after its receipt, however, the Falciani list has not produced any results.Various tax commissions and other courts have ruled that the list is unusable: the data was stolen and therefore cannot be used as evidence in court. ESC FACTOR, Stories of Europe:The communication campaign ESC FACTOR, Stories of Europe was born from the experience of a workshop on multi-channel communication that further enriched the personal background of the young volunteers of the ESC project, European Solidarity Corps who have been living for months at Il paguro Ostello, a small house for young Europeans, a property confiscated from the Casalesi family in which Giosef Italy has created a youth hostel, in Casapesenna.During the past few months, the young people involved have had the opportunity to learn about the history of Italy, through a series of meetings whose main theme was the history of the Antimafia. From the realisation that such an important and well-known history in our country is often ignored by other young Europeans, this project was born.We said to ourselves, what if we now tell our readers stories that changed the history of your home countries but are not known by the Italian public? Thus was born the idea of THE ESC FACTOR, a project to share stories of movements and people who have only one thing in common: the courage of freedom, the desire for justice, the fight for the affirmation of civil rights, in all their forms, beyond all borders. Share Related articles All Posts News ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista.

ESC FACTOR Stories of Europe: The CARNATION Revolution in Portugal

Latest Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Manolis Glezos, il primo partigiano europeo. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Fátima Hamed Hossain, la prima donna musulmana del parlamento spagnolo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: LAGARDE LIST ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: La Rivoluzione dei GAROFANI in Portogallo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Kōstas Geōrgakīs e la rivolta del Polytechnio Mafie & Social Media: intervista ad Anna Sergi con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Davide Bennato con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Enzo Ciconte con VIDEO ESC FACTOR stories of Europe: The CARNATION Revolution in Portugal THIS STORY WAS TOLD TO US BY OUR ESC VOLUNTEER: BRUNO, 21 YEARS OLD, PORTUGUESE. We are used to defining a coup d’état as a sudden change of government that is illegal and usually violent, we know many violent ones like those in Chile or Cuba. However, in this story we will see that it is possible to change a violent regime in a relatively peaceful way. Do you know why carnations are a symbol of freedom in Portugal? We are in Portugal on April 25, 1974.The story we are telling you about today has been nicknamed the Carnation Revolution (Revolução dos Cravos in Portuguese), a surprising name for a coup that marked the end of a bloody repressive government. Estado Novo was the regime in power since 1933 in Portugal.It was first led by António de Oliveira Salazar until 1968, when his successor Marcello Caetano replaced him, as Salazar had to retire due to health problems.The “professor” implemented a series of legislative and social improvements that today are grouped under the name of Marcelo Spring (elimination of some trade union restrictions, opening to foreign investors, easing of censorship). Reforms that gave the people hope for a possible democratic turn, but did not produce real change. It was an authoritarian regime, characterized by censorship, repression, exiles and colonial wars. When music smells of freedom: The April coup began at 10:55 p.m. with the broadcast of the Portuguese song from the 1974 Eurovision contest, «Depois do Adeus» by Paulo de Carvalho, followed by «Grandola, Vila Morena», a song by José Afonso that was banned during the Regime. When music smells of freedom: The April coup began at 10:55 p.m. with the broadcast of the Portuguese song from the 1974 Eurovision contest, «Depois do Adeus» by Paulo de Carvalho, followed by «Grandola, Vila Morena», a song by José Afonso that was banned during the Regime. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MrW6zP161QI 1974 – Paulo de Carvalho – “E Depois Do Adeus2 | RTP Despite the government’s repeated warnings to the population to stay in their homes, thousands of Portuguese took to the streets, mingling with the rebel military. No one really understood what was happening, chaos reigned. Everyone knew they were facing a historic moment, although very few could foresee that it would soon expand. And in the meantime, the streets of Lisbon were filled with tanks. A woman became the face of this revolt, a woman who walked the streets of Lisbon that same morning with red carnations in her hand.The shop where she worked was celebrating its first anniversary and the woman had bought those flowers to celebrate. But when the saleswoman, returning home, met a soldier and said to him: The soldier hadn’t smoked for several hours, so he asked me for a cigarette, I told him I didn’t have any, but he could go buy them at the tobacconist’s. The tobacconists were closed, so I humorously commented that if instead of a cigar he wanted a carnation, he could take it and put it on his gun. I continued walking to the Carmen barracks and there I handed out all the carnations I had left and I felt an enormous joy that I can’t explain right now. I went up and told my mother that those carnations that were in the guns and tanks were mine and I had given them to her. This coup was marked by the images of flowers in the weapons of the military. Those carnations were offered by civilians who joined the rebel soldiers in a peaceful civil resistance. Even the pistols of the officers were all filled with flowers. April 25th, from Italy to Portugal means liberation: The Revolution triumphed, but the days and months that followed were not easy, uncertainty reigned and struggles between the right and the left were the order of the day.There are several experts who believe that without the Carnation Revolution, the transition process that would take place after the death of Francisco Franco in Spain would not have been possible.On April 25, 1974, when people tired of poverty took to the streets to demand freedom, Portugal began its history. ESC FACTOR, Stories of Europe:The communication campaign ESC FACTOR, Stories of Europe was born from the experience of a workshop on multi-channel communication that further enriched the personal background of the young volunteers of the ESC project, European Solidarity Corps who have been living for months at Il paguro Ostello, a small house for young Europeans, a property confiscated from the Casalesi family in which Giosef Italy has created a youth hostel, in Casapesenna.During the past few months, the young people involved have had the opportunity to learn about the history of Italy, through a series of meetings whose main theme was the history of the Antimafia. From the realisation that such an important and well-known history in our country is often ignored by other young Europeans, this project was born.We said to ourselves, what if we now tell our readers stories that changed the history of your home countries but are not known by the Italian public? Così è nata l’idea di THE ESC FACTOR, un progetto di condivisione di storie di movimenti e di persone che hanno in comune una sola cosa: il coraggio della libertà, la voglia di giustizia, la lotta per l’affermazione dei diritti civili, in ogni loro forma,

ESC FACTOR stories of Europe: Kōstas Geōrgakīs and the Polytechnio uprising

Latest Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Manolis Glezos, il primo partigiano europeo. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Fátima Hamed Hossain, la prima donna musulmana del parlamento spagnolo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: LAGARDE LIST ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: La Rivoluzione dei GAROFANI in Portogallo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Kōstas Geōrgakīs e la rivolta del Polytechnio Mafie & Social Media: intervista ad Anna Sergi con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Davide Bennato con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Enzo Ciconte con VIDEO ESC FACTOR stories of Europe Kōstas Geōrgakīs and the Polytechnio uprising THIS STORY WAS TOLD TO US BY OUR ESC VOLUNTEER: PANOS, 25 YEARS OLD, GREEK. Did you know that on the night of September 19, 1970, Kōstas Geōrgakīs, a Greek activist and geology student at the University of Genoa, killed himself by setting himself on fire in Piazza Matteotti while shouting: “Long live free Greece”? But why did Kostas come to commit this crazy act? On June 26, 1970, Georgakis gave an anonymous interview to a Genoese newspaper, in which he revealed that the Greek military junta had infiltrated the Greek student movement in Italy. In the interview, he stated that the Greek secret services had created ESESI (National League of Greek Students in Italy) to establish offices in Italy. During the third year of his studies and after successfully passing the second semester exams, Geōrgakīs found himself in the difficult position of having his military exemption revoked by the military junta as well as his monthly maintenance from his family. The junta did this in retaliation for his involvement in the anti-junta movement, as a member of the Italian branch of PAK, the Panhellenic Liberation Movement. He decided that he had to do something to raise awareness in the West about the political situation in Greece. Once he had made the decision to sacrifice his life, Kōstas Geōrgakīs filled a can with gasoline and wrote a letter to his father and his fiancée. At 1:00 a.m. on September 19, 1970, he drove his Fiat 500 to Piazza Matteotti. According to eyewitnesses, garbage collectors working around the Palazzo Ducale, there was a sudden flash of light in the area around 3:00 a.m. At first, they didn’t realize the flame was a burning man. Only when they understood did they approach the flaming Geōrgakīs, who, burning, was shouting, “Long live Greece,” “Down with the tyrants,” “Down with the fascist colonels,” and “I did it for my Greece.” Geōrgakīs is the only resistance hero against the Junta known for protesting by taking his own life, and he is considered a precursor to the subsequent student protests, such as the one at the Polytechnic. The Polytechnic Uprising: Since April 21, 1967, Greece had been under the dictatorial rule of the military. During those years, civil rights were abolished, and many politicians and citizens were tortured, imprisoned, or exiled for their political beliefs. The junta tried to intervene in universities with a law that sent students with differing political beliefs, who were against the regime, into military service. The first massive public action against the junta came from the students on February 21, 1973, when law students went on strike and barricaded themselves inside the buildings of the Faculty of Law at the University of Athens, demanding the repeal of the law that required enlistment in the military. The police were ordered to intervene, and it is reported that many students were subjected to brutality. The events at the Law School were the first real uprising and marked the beginning of the fall of the dictatorship. On November 14, 1973, students at the Athens Polytechnic (Polytechneion) went on strike and began protesting against the military. While the authorities were waiting, the students called themselves the “Free Besieged” (in Greek: Ελεύθεροι Πολιορκημένοι, a reference to the poem by Greek poet Dionysios Solomos inspired by the Ottoman siege of Mesolonghi). Their main slogan at the time was: BREAD-EDUCATION-FREEDOM! The students even managed to set up their own free and independent radio, informing every Athenian citizen about what was happening at the university, gaining increasing support from the population. The students’ slogans and graffiti were anti-NATO and anti-American, and they compared the Greek junta to Nazi Germany. The night of November 17, 1973: In the early hours of November 17, 1973, the government sent a tank to break through the gates of the Athens Polytechnic. The city’s lights had been turned off, and the area was illuminated only by the campus lights, powered by the university’s generators. An AMX 30 tank (still preserved in a small armored unit museum in a military camp in Avlonas, not open to the public) crashed into the railway gate of the Athens Polytechnic around 3:00 a.m. In a blurry video secretly filmed by a Dutch journalist, the tank is shown as it demolishes the steel gate of the campus, to which people were clinging. In the footage, a young voice can be heard desperately asking the soldiers (whom he calls “brothers-in-arms”), who are surrounding the building complex, to disobey military orders and not fight the “brothers protesting.” An official investigation launched after the fall of the junta stated that no student from the Athens Polytechnic was killed during the incident. The total registered casualties amounted to 24 civilians killed outside the Athens Polytechnic campus. These included 19-year-old Michael Mirogiannis, who, according to records, was killed by Officer Nikolaos Dertilis, high school students Diomedes Komnenos and Alexandros Spartidis from the Lycee Leonin, and a five-year-old child caught in the crossfire in the Zografou suburb. The records of the trials held after the collapse of the Junta document the circumstances of the deaths of many civilians during the uprising, and although the number of fatalities has not been contested by historical research, it remains a subject of political controversy. ESC FACTOR, Stories of Europe:The communication campaign ESC FACTOR, Stories of Europe was born

Mafia and Social Media: interview with Anna Sergi with VIDEO

Latest Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Manolis Glezos, il primo partigiano europeo. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Fátima Hamed Hossain, la prima donna musulmana del parlamento spagnolo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: LAGARDE LIST ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: La Rivoluzione dei GAROFANI in Portogallo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Kōstas Geōrgakīs e la rivolta del Polytechnio Mafie & Social Media: intervista ad Anna Sergi con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Davide Bennato con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Enzo Ciconte con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: interview with Anna Sergi with VIDEO https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LK8P12gOxMI We conclude the “Mafie & Social Media” cycle with this interview.The series of video interviews with scholars of the mafia phenomenon, which can be viewed in full on our YouTube channel, had as its primary objective that of delving into the complexity of the evolution of mafia communication in the age of social networks. The protagonist this time is Anna Sergi, associate professor of criminology at the University of Essex. Dr. Sergi specializes in comparative criminal justice, organized crime and mafias. In 2018, she won the 2018 Lifetime Achievement Award at the University of Essex for her research on the Calabrian mafia in Australia, and the Italian Chamber of Commerce awarded her the “Giovani Italiani di talento” Award in 2018. Dr. Anna Sergi is the project manager of the C.R.I.M.E (Countering regional Italian Mafia expansion) funded by the UK ESRC Impact Acceleration Account at the University of Essex.Using open data and direct resources, previous and ongoing research thanks to privileged partnerships with Eurojust Italian Desk and Operations and Europol, the report Mafiaround Europe – resulting from the CRIME project (Counting Regional Italian Mafia Expansion) presents the first analysis of the presence of Italian mafias in 7 European countries in addition to Italy and the challenges of cross-border policing in the fight against mafia-type organised crime.The report highlights how mafia-style activities have adapted to individual countries, their economies, cultures, infrastructures and logistics networks.Due to delays and restrictions introduced by the COVID-19 pandemic, CRIME was reshaped in the summer of 2020 to co-produce an exploratory report examining key trends in the mobility of Italian mafias in Europe today. Dr. Sergi, has collaborated with Eurojust (Italian Desk and Operations) and Europol Italian Organised Crime Unit as privileged participants and partners of this project since the beginning, but the project has remained autonomous from both institutions.These institutions, together with others (such as several Anti-Mafia District Directorates, the DIA – Italian Anti-Mafia Investigation Directorate through its reports, and the Department of Public Security of the Italian Ministry of the Interior) have supported the project through interviews and data exchanges on Italian organised crime in Europe. It is essential to continue and strengthen the fight against mafia-type crime at European level. This report represents a unique effort to systematize knowledge on Italian mafias and their worrying presence in some EU Member States. It is also a valuable source of inspiration for addressing persistent shortcomings in criminal law and a tool to help practitioners in their daily cross-border cooperation with EU partners.”Filippo SpieziaNATIONAL MEMBER FOR ITALY AND FORMER VICE-PRESIDENT IN EUROJUST In this interview, Prof. Sergi explains how the project idea was born and talks about the method underlying the investigation in question, presents the results and provides us with valid ideas to continue, through ad hoc projects, the work of her research team, to provide civil society with useful tools to fight and contrast the mafias in Europe. We wanted to conclude this series of interviews by offering our readers a European vision of the problem in question.Dr. Sergi explained to us that the data tells us that a large part of the problem is Italy’s schizophrenia.Italy must decide whether the mafia is only its problem, or take the European route and say that all countries have the mafia, therefore the mafiais not special. Either the mafia is too Italian or the mafia is not only Italian, it cannot be both things otherwise there is the risk of confusing foreign countries. Many ideas have emerged from these weeks of discussion with the experts of our panel. Ideas that we will treasure to design practical and concrete forms of contrast and counter-narrative mafia. Share Related articles All Posts News Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Davide Bennato con VIDEO Recenti Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie… Read Articles Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Enzo Ciconte con VIDEO Recenti Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie… Read Articles Mafie & Social Media: intervista ad Attilio Bolzoni con VIDEO Recenti Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie… Read Articles Mafie & Social Media : la comunicazione mafiosa ai tempi dei social network Recenti Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie… Read Articles

Mafia and Social Media: interview with Davide Bennato with VIDEO

Latest Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Manolis Glezos, il primo partigiano europeo. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Fátima Hamed Hossain, la prima donna musulmana del parlamento spagnolo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: LAGARDE LIST ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: La Rivoluzione dei GAROFANI in Portogallo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Kōstas Geōrgakīs e la rivolta del Polytechnio Mafie & Social Media: intervista ad Anna Sergi con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Davide Bennato con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Enzo Ciconte con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: interview with Davide Bennato with VIDEO For the cycle “Mafie & Social Media” we interviewed Professor Davide Bennato who is a professor at the University of Catania (DISUM Department of Humanities) where he teaches Sociology of cultural and communicative processes, Sociology of digital media and from the Academic Year 2020-21 Digital Sociology.His research area is related to the study of digital media consumption behaviors, forms of social relationship on the internet and technologically mediated collective behaviors. We asked him how this type of approach can help us understand new mafia behaviors and what elements of study this technology can provide on the use of social media by online criminals. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QUjLKQMYg-8 Prof. Davide Bennato explained to us that his research method can provide a new point of view both on the analysis of mafia social processes and on the methodologies used to fight it. Advanced tools, such as social network analysis, can help investigators in their investigations and reveal new virtual meeting places between bosses. We also started a reflection on criminal influencers. Who is behind the mafia social media, the last link in the chain of power, the voice outside the chorus that acts autonomously or are there instead the decision makers? Are the bosses who decide how to act aware of the use that young affiliates make of these tools and yes, do they agree with these practices? From the studies of Prof. Davide Bennato it is clear that everything depends on the nature of the criminal organization and the intrinsic structure of the mafias. In fact, the mafias are distinguished from each other by organization, division of burdens and balances of power.If the ndrangheta can be considered a real network, a network between clans, the Sicilian mafia instead has a more hierarchical and organized pyramid structure.In the case of the ndrangheta therefore certainly keeping in touch with the “followers” is a more concrete advantage than for the Sicilian mafiosi and this shows how the new technologies are nothing more than the expression of a cultural and organizational logic of the mafia phenomenon to which they refer. The other aspect to take into consideration for a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon seems to be that of the economic flows that support the mafias today. The mafia most tied to new sources of income, such as betting shops, computer fraud, is certainly well aware of the opportunities and risks in using these tools.The mafias, instead of traditional economic flows, such as drugs, prostitution, have much more difficulty understanding the complexity of these tools but still appreciate the fact of being visible on digital platforms. Although in these markets the use of platforms that use end-to-end encryption, such as Telegram, should not be underestimated, which offer spaces of freedom in communications even to small-time criminals such as drug dealers or loan sharks.It can therefore be said that looking at the mafias through the lens of social media paints a picture of the phenomenon full of shadows, not uniform, varied and therefore more complex. Are there already case studies on the topic based on this method? What are they and what results have they produced? If not, what tools should be used to carry out such a study? What would be the method to follow? Prof. Davide Bennato told us about an interesting application of the social network analysis technique for the creation of territorial networks that use digital media information to reconstruct power networks within mafia enclaves. He also illustrated how using indirect indicators, such as some studies carried out on the neomelodic phenomenon, whose music industry is very often, although not always, contiguous to the criminal one, can provide other interesting analysis tools.The insistence of online mafias in various forms can provide us with new and cutting-edge tools to map the power networks on which they are based today. Another topic of our interview was inspired by the initiative “Map of Intolerance”, a project conceived by Vox – Italian Observatory on Rights, in collaboration with the University of Milan, the University of Bari, La Sapienza in Rome and the Department of Sociology of the Catholic University of Milan. The project used computational tools to analyze specific keywords to draw a map of online hate in the Italian territory.Prof. Bennato explained to us what such research consists of and how this type of analysis could be adapted to the mafia phenomenon to try to recreate a map of online mafia, which could be a useful tool for third sector associations such as Giosef Italy but also for investigators. As Prof. Bennato explained to us in this interview, there are many tools that could be activated to create new frontiers of contrast and counter-narrative to the mafia phenomenon. We have the opportunity to exploit the “naivety” in the use of these tools of a large portion of the mafia community to enter the network and start to slowly steal it. For this reason, we hope that our research is only the beginning of a more structured conversation, where data scientists like Prof. Davide Bennato and members of the judiciary and law enforcement can sit at the same table to understand together how to use their respective information to obtain new and timely information. The mafias are constantly evolving, together with our society, but sometimes they do so without much awareness, leaving behind crumbs, cookies, our task is to collect

Mafias & Social Media: an interview with Enzo Ciconte with a VIDEO

Latest Intervista a Giosef Italy per Rai Parlamento ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Maria Gil, Donna, Cigana, Attivista. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Manolis Glezos, il primo partigiano europeo. ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Fátima Hamed Hossain, la prima donna musulmana del parlamento spagnolo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: LAGARDE LIST ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: La Rivoluzione dei GAROFANI in Portogallo ESC FACTOR storie d’Europa: Kōstas Geōrgakīs e la rivolta del Polytechnio Mafie & Social Media: intervista ad Anna Sergi con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Davide Bennato con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: intervista a Enzo Ciconte con VIDEO Mafie & Social Media: Interview with Enzo Ciconte con VIDEO https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uNeByUfXKj0 Professor Enzo Ciconte is a professor of the history of organized crime at the University of Roma Tre and of the history of Italian mafias at the University of Pavia. From 1997 to 2010, he was a consultant for the Parliamentary Anti-Mafia Commission, and his book ‘Ndrangheta from Unity to the Present (1992) is the first historical study on the ‘ndrangheta. In general, all his books provide a clear and precise picture of Italian mafias.We take inspiration for this conversation from his latest work From Omertà to Social Media: How Mafia Communication is Changing, published by Edizioni Santa Caterina, in which numerous aspects of the mafia phenomenon in our country are analyzed. We begin with the title of the first chapter of the book, which says “To understand the mafias, we must listen to their silences.” What does he mean by this? “I mean something very simple, we must imagine the mafia organization as, first and foremost, a secret organization.”Secret to many, but especially secret to law enforcement and magistrates, not to the citizens who must know about it. Silence in the mafia organization is important for at least two reasons. The first: the affiliate, the person who becomes a mafioso, whether ‘ndranghetista, camorrista, must maintain silence about the activities of their organization. So, you must not talk about it with anyone. This is the first issue. The second issue: there is a silence that envelops the mafia organization, which is the silence of the victims, who do not speak up or report it, and the silence of those who are corrupted by the mafia organizations. It is also the silence maintained for centuries regarding women, who were considered completely unrelated to the mafia organization, but that was not true.It is the silence of the Church regarding the mafia organizations, so it is a silence that involves many.If you do not study these things, you cannot understand the mafia organizations. If you do not study the relationship between the mafias and the silence of the Church, you cannot understand why, over the centuries, especially when the Church had significant influence in society, they said nothing about the mafias.Ecco perché dico se vuoi capire le mafie devi capire il silenzio” Ancient and ultra-modern: how has the communication of the ‘ndrangheta changed over the years? “The communication of the ‘ndrangheta, but not only the ‘ndrangheta, this also applies to the Sicilian mafia and the Neapolitan camorra, has changed because society has changed.”We must not make the mistake of thinking that mafiosi live in the hyperuranium, that they are untouched by the changes in society, and that they live in a world completely disconnected from what happens among us. It’s not like that. In the age of cell phones, Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, mafiosi couldn’t do without these tools. It’s clear that they had to be present there too. QSo, the language has changed, but in some ways, a part of the nature of the ‘ndrangheta has changed as well. Once, the ‘ndrangheta was silence. “A megliu parola, e chilla chi non si dice,” the best word is the one that is not spoken. Instead, now it’s exactly the opposite. Today, mafiosi are on Facebook, posting their photos, saying what they want to say, making videos, showing weapons, showing the wealth they have—they communicate just like we do. Right now, young people reading this couldn’t imagine their lives without a cellphone, so why should mafiosi, who are part of this society and live among us, be any different? It’s not that young mafiosi are different from other young people; they are different in that they are mafiosi, but their habits are identical to those of their peers, and their tastes are the same. Are these young mafiosi who use social networks and all the tools that the internet offers today aware of the danger they expose themselves to by leaving traces on the web? Or are they unaware of this and use these tools even knowing they might be reported to the authorities? “They are aware and, at the same time, unaware. They know very well that the authorities track them. I believe that none of them imagine they will remain, how can I put it, free from investigations.” They are aware, but they still want to gain approval.They want to convince other young people to choose that path.Today, they have understood that more than formal meetings or a bold attitude in the square, it matters a lot to show themselves to these young people who want to change their lives, because it is among the young that the desire to change life lies.And they want to show these young people that they have reached a point of wealth and power precisely because of their affiliation.So, the message these videos, footage, and photographs send is exactly this: trying to bring these young people to their side.They seek approval, and it’s a way to tell others what they do when they are good, that their parents, their siblings who are in prison, are completely innocent.On the other hand, have you ever seen a guilty mafioso?Mafiosi aren’t all intelligent; some are also fools, and fortunately, there are fools, so at least they get caught.Some fugitives, for example, took a photo and posted it on their profile or the profile of a friend, showing a luxury 5-star